Dissertation
BA (Hons) Communication Design
Glasgow School of Art 2024

Soviet Influence On Islamic Lifestyle in Central Asia Through Contemporary Visual Culture

INTRODUCTION

The fusion of Islamic practices and nomadic beliefs in Central Asia
is at the heart of my curiosity. Being a native of this place, it raises numerous questions for me and serves as a fascinating topic for investigation. I am specifically intrigued by the impact of the Soviet era on Islamic practice in Central Asia, as this period led to substantial disruption in religious development and introduced unconventional approaches of disseminating the religion. Being a creative practitioner, I am inclined to examine issues through an artistic viewpoint. Hence, another reason for my interest in this topic is the significant impact of the Soviet state on diverse artistic forms, which I argue was a form of orientalism.

The term orientalism, popularised by Edward Said, describes the process by which White Western colonial powers construct and distort the image of the Orient, or the "East" as the "other". ¹

This involves creating a set of assumptions about the local "Eastern" traditional lifestyle, portraying it as "backward" in order to justify colonial power and gain control over the colonised regions. This also applied to Central Asia: as the Soviet Union gathered information about the area, it was reshaped and deformed to suit ideological objectives. It was specifically seen in the development of Central Asian arts, crafts, and architecture under the umbrella of the Socialist realism movement, which sought to portray Soviet life and advancement "as it is." Under this movement, Islamic artistic production from earlier periods was transformed into a vehicle for celebrating Soviet progress.

With this as an example, there are many parallels between the historical development of religion and art during oppression. However, in the present, with the freedom of spiritual and artistic expression, this newfound openness has given artists the chance to reflect on their own journeys of faith through a variety of techniques and approaches. Hence, my research question is as follows: to what extent does the Soviet era still impact the practice of Islam in present-day Central Asia, as evidenced by contemporary art and photography?

Allow me to explain my selection of artworks and photography as examples that support my research. Although my primary focus lies in the evolution of religious concepts, I find that I gain knowledge more effectively when presented with comparative and contrasting elements. While art is predominantly conceptual, imaginative, and experimental, photography possesses a greater documentary significance, even when staged, as it either showcases elements of material culture or figuratively captures human actions. Therefore, it would be fascinating to discover whether there are any differences in how contemporary Islamic practices in Central Asia are portrayed in photography and art. Additionally, I have chosen to focus on the entire region rather than just one of the countries in order to analyse a wider range of exhibits. The works selected for this dissertation include those by avant-garde Kazakh artists like Moldakul Narymbetov, as well as the documentary-style photography of Umida Akhmedova, an Uzbek photographer.

In order to enhance the reader's understanding, the first chapter will explain the formation of Central Asian Islam and links between Islam and culture, as well as the distinction between these concepts. In the following chapter, I will explore the visual culture in Central Asia during the Soviet era, focusing particularly on Socialist Realism as the dominant artistic movement. The remaining chapters, namely the third and fourth, will focus on the analysis of contemporary artworks and photography.

¹ Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994)

CHAPTER 1

UNDERSTANDING ISLAM IN CENTRAL ASIA

Formation of Central Asian Islam

Islam has had a presence in the Central Asian region since the Middle Ages, when it was introduced by the conquering Arabs in the 7th and 8th centuries. Only by the 10th century, it had become thoroughly integrated into the local society. The prolonged process of assimilation occurred as a result of the predominantly nomadic and semi-nomadic ways of life in the region. However, the key factor contributing to this was the preexisting belief systems of the Central Asians. They adhered to Tengrism, a spiritual practice centred around worshipping the spirit of the sky and sun.The core principle of Tengrism was the belief that humans were an integral part of nature and therefore had a spiritual connection to it. Tengrism was intricately linked to shamanic rituals, which involved the participation of intermediary figures such as baqsy (shamanic healer)² and zhaurynshy (prophet poet).³These magical practitioners had the power to heal by establishing a bridge with the spiritual realm through music. The nomads derived their strength from their deep-rooted connection to their ancestral culture, with every aspect of their lifestyle centred around the observance of Tengrist rituals. Despite Tengrism covering the whole region of Central Asia, it is “in the usual understanding is not a religion, but a religious idea that never sought its own institution, which was dictated by the peculiarities of the Turkic worldview”. ⁴

This statement contradicts the principles of Islam, which has specific dogma with its various branches, and where the Quran and hadiths serve as the essential and unchanging texts. The Islamic religious system, for instance, views the Tengrist activity as shirk, a serious transgression of idolatry brought about by polytheism.⁵ Islam also advocates for the principles of consistency and both physical and spiritual purity, which may not align well with the nomadic way of life. In his 2021 interview for a Kazakh historical portal, Marat Smagulov, a theologian and member of the Centre for the Study of Religions in Astana, Kazakhstan, recounts instances of nomads incorporating Islamic practices into their lifestyle. Due to scarcity of pure water in the open field where a nomadic shepherd resides, it becomes challenging for him to perform wudu (act of ablution) before each of the five prayers, as required by his religious obligation as a Muslim. The advice given to him by an Arab was to engage in dhikr, a highly rewarding prayer aimed at glorifying God.⁶Dhikr, as a rite practised by Central Asians, has come to represent the ascetic and mystical branch of Islam, known as Sufism, with sufis being its practitioners. Sufism has always posed a challenge for Islamic fundamentalists, who often perceive it as a sect due to its distinctiveness from the Shari'a (Islamic law). ⁷

The challenges of gaining international recognition for Islamic practices in Central Asia were exacerbated by the era of colonisation started by the Tsarist regime between 1860 and 1885, and further intensified when the Bolsheviks took control after the 1917 revolution.⁸ This period not only complicated the relationship between Sufism and the government, but also affected its connection with the internal Islamic educational community, known as Jadidism. Jadidism is a movement that advocated for the advancement and conservation of Islamic education across the Soviet Muslim territories, encompassing the Tatar regions, Caucasus, and Central Asia. This preservation was vital at the start of the 20th century due to the Soviet destruction of Islamic buildings and their subsequent conversion for the promotion of the Communist agenda. For instance, in Uzbekistan, madrasas (Islamic academies) were rebuilt as dormitories and entertainment clubs for construction workers.⁹The Soviet Muslims at that time appeared to be working together, with Ismail Gasprinskii—one of the most influential Jadidis—publishing Terjiman, a Russian Muslim newspaper published in the so-called common-Turkic language, with an emphasis on maintaining unity through language.¹⁰ With the collective effort, Jadidis sought to reinforce the concept of mujaddid (the renewal of the faith) through the idea of jihad (the sacred war), which meant the battle against Soviet religious oppression. Nevertheless, it was claimed that Central Asians, due to their divergence from the principles of Shari'a, did not exhibit strong support for jihad.¹¹

Central Asian Jadidis displayed a more lenient attitude towards Islamic laws due to their Sufi nature, which emphasise a personal and austere connection with God. For instance, the works of Uzbek Jadidis were skillfully written, while lacking scientific substantiation. Another instance can be illustrated by the Caucasians and Tatars who travelled to Turkestan and Bukhara, expressing their concern regarding the persisting observance of cult rituals in the visited areas, which were deemed as bid'ah (innovation opposite to Quran) at the very least, if not kufr (blasphemy) or shirk (polytheism).¹² Despite the population remaining devoted to the Muslim faith, the society was not prepared for mujaddid, as this concept was more linked to fundamentalism and did not align well with the existing syncretism in Central Asia.¹³ This presented difficulties in gathering support from the Soviet Jadidi community and delayed the pace of Islamic development. The process was already intricate due to the Soviet destruction of proper conditions for Islamic growth, imposition of atheism, and subsequent eradication of the intellectual class in the region.

Later on, there were still attempts at the Islamic revival; in 1943, the Spiritual Administration of the Muslims of Central Asia and Kazakhstan (SADUM) was established with the goal of supporting the practice throughout the region's five nations.¹⁴Nevertheless, their advocacy for a "pure Islam" was once again associated with a strong adherence to fundamentalist principles, making it inappropriate and potentially detrimental to the local lifestyle. While this organisation existed until the ultimate dissolution of the USSR, the dissemination of Muslim knowledge and rituals relied primarily on oral tradition to ensure their preservation, particularly within family circles. As a native of Kazakhstan, I can resonate with this. Although it wasn't publicly stated, my grandparents taught their children to say bismillah before meals, fast during Ramadan, and celebrate Eid. Despite this, it was still socially acceptable for them to consume alcohol, smoke, and in certain cases, eat pork with their German migrant neighbours. Additionally, the Tengrist celebrations, such as Nauryz (which marks the New Year based on the Solar calendar), continued to be observed alongside the Muslim practices. It is also statistically likely that the entire group of Central Asian youth would relate in terms of equally valuing our heritage and Islam.¹⁵ Recognising that, the syncretic lifestyle in this area has continually maintained and promoted spiritual freedom and strength.

The current secular governments have been supportive of both Tengrist and Islamic perspectives, without resorting to any forceful attempts to promote a specific religion. For example, each of the five nations has a number of regulations in place to prevent radical Islamist groups from attempting to gain momentum immediately following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.¹⁶ In addition, the governments are restoring the Islamic infrastructure to enable those who desire a closer bond with God to continue their practice. They do this as they understand that their strong ties to the nomadic traditions will keep them grounded enough to resist the influence of extremists. Due to the region's support of spiritual freedom, which has existed for centuries, Islam is practised in a very diverse manner, setting it apart from other Muslim nations. Based on multiple surveys, the percentage of Kazakhs who engage in daily prayers is estimated at between 4-7%, and only 8% read the Quran at least once a week. In contrast, the figures for Pakistanis and Egyptians are significantly higher, with 50% of Pakistanis and 58% of Egyptians reporting regular prayer and Quran reading.¹⁷

Islam — Culture Connections

I have provided an overview of the presence of Islam in Central Asia, its influences, and its challenges. These explanations aim to enhance comprehension of the backgrounds and concepts present in contemporary visual culture, which will be examined extensively in the subsequent chapters. Additionally, I've provided a brief description of the relationship between Islam and culture which I would like to expand on. I would employ these phrases individually as they are deemed incompatible when used in contemporary academic discourse, as per prevailing viewpoints. Asma Barlas, in her book Believing Women in Islam, examines how the original Quran has been misinterpreted to promote cultural norms, particularly patriarchal ones. She also explores the distinction between Islam as a faith system and culture as a set of conventions based on ethnic identity:

This is especially true of a sacred text like the Qurʾān, which “has been ripped from its historical, linguistic, literary, and psychological contexts and then been continually recontextualized in various cultures and according to the ideological needs of various actors”. ¹⁸

I agree with Barlas in this case when we discuss the effects patriarchy, as a cultural feature, has on Muslim women; yet, since culture is a broad term, it is important that I make it clear which cultural element is more relevant for me to address in this work.

To enhance my comprehension of the relationship between Islam and culture, I have read Islam and Culture: Dis/junctures in a Modern Conceptual Terrain by Jeanette S. Jouili. Through her interviews with Muslim women and creative professionals, Jouili explores the distinctions between Islam in patriarchal societies and Islam in creative communities, with an emphasis on the practice of self-expression. The responses from both groups exhibited contrasting interpretations of cultural belonging. Some Muslim women claimed to be "Muslim by culture," indicating that their relationship to faith was not entirely conscious or their personal decision.¹⁹Other Muslim women stated that they "understood that religion should not be a heritage, a culture, like it is for many people, but it should be about something fundamentally intimate within the human," indicating that their approach to religion was more conscious. ²⁰ In my opinion, the last statement is the most persuasive; yet, it is crucial that I explain the section where Jouili provides examples of Muslim musicians and artists before I draw my own conclusions. Since the individuals interviewed are British Muslims, they have been physically removed from their ethnic origins and instead were born in a country with a multicultural blend. Consequently, they feel a strong need to hold onto their culture in order to preserve their identity in this new setting. The viewpoint of practitioners, according to Jouili, is that culture supports and gives expression to religion while working in tandem with it. ²¹ In addition, she substantiates the claim by citing a passage from Radical Reform, a book authored by Tariq Ramadan, a Muslim European scholar:

Although it must be reiterated that Islam is primarily “a religion” and not “a culture,” one should immediately add that religion never finds expression outside a culture.… There are, therefore, no religiously neutral cultures, nor any culture-free religions. Any religion is always born—and interpreted—within a given culture and in return the religion keeps nurturing and fashioning the culture of the social community within which it is lived and thought. Those inevitable and complex links make it difficult to define … what belongs to religion proper and what instead pertains to the cultural dimension. ²²

Having considered the opinions given, I can say that I will continue to refer to Islam and culture as distinct notions (I won't use the term "Islamic culture," for example). Nevertheless, since they contribute to each other's growth, I believe that understanding their relation and recognising culture as an integral part of ethnic identity gives people a solid foundation and sense of self, which in turn helps them have an honest and conscious relationship with God. In the Central Asian context, the close connection between the people and their Tengrist heritage, as well as their Sufi observance of Islam, greatly reduces the likelihood of extremists gaining influence in the region. This is because the extremists' values of detachment from culture conflict with the values held by Central Asian Muslims.²³ This is also applicable to the Soviet anti-religious reforms that occurred at the start of the 20th century. Despite the Soviet purpose of eradicating religion, the region's awareness of the distinctions and importance of both nomadic and Islamic perspectives persists and thrives in the present times. This example might be used to demonstrate the importance of keeping Islam apart from cultural customs while also recognising the points at which they can overlap and how, in doing so, they reinforce each other's significance.

² Slawomira Zeranska-Kominek, ‘The Concept of Journey (Yol) in Turkmen Music Tradition’, Ethnomusicology, 42.2 (1998), 265–82 (p. 267) <https://doi.org/10.2307/3113891>

³Z. Malgarayeva and B. Tairova, ‘The Creativity of the Zhyrau and the Formation of the National Idea’, Adam Alemi, 87.1 (March 2021), 52–65 (p.57) <https://doi.org/10.48010/2021.1/1999-5849.05>

⁴ N. G. Ayupov, ‘Tengrism as the Open Worldview’ (unpublished Monograph, KazNPU Named after Abai, 2012), p.14

⁵ Ingeborg Baldauf, ‘JADIDISM IN CENTRAL ASIA WITHIN REFORMISM AND MODERNISM IN THE MUSLIM WORLD’, Die Welt des Islams, 41.1 (2001), 72–88 (p.83) <https://doi.org/10.1163/157006001323146830>

⁶ Qazaqstan Tarihy, Islam in Kazakhstan / Marat Smagulov, online video recording, YouTube, 29 July 2021, [5:56] <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zn6KJO0QtmM> [accessed 1 November 2023]

⁷ Baldauf, pp. 72–88 (pp. 83-84)

⁸ William M. Mandel, ‘Soviet Central Asia’, Pacific Affairs, 15.4 (December 1942), p. 389 <https://doi.org/10.2307/2751730>.

⁹ Greg Castillo, ‘Soviet Orientalism: Socialist Realism and Built Tradition’, Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, Vol. 8.No. 2 (1997), 33–47 (p. 35) <https://www.jstor.org/stable/41757334> [accessed 28 November 2023]

¹⁰ Nadhezda Tikhonova, ‘The Perevodchik-Terjiman Newspaper: A Bilingual Phenomenon of the Muslim Press in Late Imperial Russia’, Praktyka Teoretyczna, 39.1 (May 2021), 119–36 (p. 120) <https://doi.org/10.14746/prt2021.1.6>.

¹¹ Baldauf, pp. 72–88 (p. 83-85).
¹² Ibid (pp. 86-87)
¹³ Ibid (pp. 88)

¹⁴ Ashirbek K. Muminov, ‘Islam in Central Asia: Actualization of Heritage (using the example of Kazakhstan)’ (Institute of Oriental Studies named after. R. B. Suleimenov, Research Center for the Study of Anatolian Civilizations, 2012), p. 1550

¹⁵ G. Telebayev, ‘ATTITUDE TO RELIGION OF MODERN KAZAKHSTAN YOUTH: SOME FEATURES’, E-Islam Qazaqstan, 23 August 2021 <https://e-islam.kz/ru/qazaqstandagy-islam/vnutrennie-kategorii/islam-zh-nindegi-zertteuler/item/340-eIslam/> [accessed 25 January 2024]

¹⁶ Ibid, p.1555

¹⁷ Wendell Schwab, ‘Establishing an Islamic niche in Kazakhstan: Musylman Publishing House and its publications’, Central Asian Survey, 30.2 (May 2011), 227–42 <https://doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2011.565229>

¹⁸ Asma Barlas, Believing Women in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur'an([n.p.]: University of Texas Press, 2019), p. 30

¹⁹ Jeanette S. Jouili, ‘Islam and Culture: Dis/junctures in a Modern Conceptual Terrain’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 61.1 (December 2018), 207–37 (p. 213) <https://doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000543>

²⁰ Ibid.
²¹ Ibid, p. 219

²² Tariq Ramadan, Radical reform: Islamic ethics and liberation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 183

²³ Muminov, p. 1555.

CHAPTER 2

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF VISUAL ART
IN SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA

Understanding the relationship between Islam and culture as well as the overall development of Islam in Central Asia will help us to proceed with the investigation of how the region's artistic evolution has been affected by its historical setting, particularly during the Soviet era. This chapter will focus on the region's transition from traditional crafts to Westernised art forms, such as realistic painting, which the Soviet Union brought to the region under the banner of Socialist realism. More importantly, it will examine how the Soviet Union imposed its anti-religious views on regional artistic expression. Introduced by Joseph Stalin and Maxim Gorky during the First Congress of Soviet Writers in 1934, Socialist Realism emerged as a dominant art movement that influenced the entire Soviet Union.²⁴ Its primary purpose was to portray the Soviet reality in an optimistic manner, presenting it “exactly as it is”.²⁵Since it was a movement that essentially glorified the dictatorship, it affected not only the development of arts and architecture but also theatre and literature. ²⁶Recognising the broad scope of the movement, I will focus on the particular aspect that is the most important for me in this work – the manipulation of Islamic notions and culture of colonised territories through Socialist Realism, specifically Central Asia.

To support my investigation in this chapter, I will examine written materials that showcase the Socialist realist art movement in Central Asia. An invaluable source for the study is a 1940 book titled The Art of Central Asia written by B. W. Weimarn, a Soviet art historian. Weimarn provides a comprehensive overview of the developments that have occurred in Central Asian Art, spanning from ancient times to the Soviet era, with visual examples. The tone of the book partially tells me what to expect from the author's viewpoint on Central Asian art: “New art was formed and developed in the struggle against Islamic dogmatism, overcoming the old feudal-religious traditions that impeded the development of fine art and the attempts of bourgeois nationalists and other enemies of the people to disrupt national artistic construction”. ²⁷

The previously cited quotation is extracted from the final chapter of the book, which primarily discusses contemporary Soviet Central Asian art during that period. The previous chapters of the book provide an account of the region's history of artistic production, tracing its development from ancient times. Particularly, he discusses the artistic techniques that have been employed in Central Asia for centuries and their evolution as a manifestation of Islamic art. The author provides thorough descriptions of creation of patterns in ceramics, wood carving, and architecture in the preceding chapters. When discussing the structures in Khiva, Uzbekistan from the 18th century, he observes a unique arrangement of tiles, that either include large geometric designs embellished with plant motifs or complex structures of little floral patterns.²⁸ Applying a careful portrayal, together with the term 'complex', would likely highlight the aesthetic value of the piece and express the author's opinion. However, the author permits himself to employ a certain level of criticism and labels this style as "decadent", stating that the buildings become too burdened with ornamental components, which, instead of highlighting the strength of the wall, really overwhelm and weaken its surface.²⁹

If one finds this level of critique somewhat acceptable, it is evident that Weimarn's description of Islamic motifs in architecture, which were characteristic of that era, is entirely disrespectful towards the religion and the local population who used such structures, including Islamic academies (medreses), to honour Islam and strengthen their spiritual bond with God. He makes a profoundly dismissive remark about the words that the patterns represent: "The monograms of the words “Allah”, “Muhammad”, etc. were repeated hundreds of times, annoyingly reminding the viewer of the religious essence of this structure."³⁰ Therefore, while aiming to offer an impartial historical overview of Central Asian art forms for educational purposes, the author undermines the undeniable aesthetic value of the artefacts by repeatedly referring to them as examples of "artistic decadence" caused by an "oppressive religious regime." ³¹ However, as I discussed in the previous chapter, such characterisation of the ‘“regime” is far from accurate.

Weimarn's examples lead me to contemplate the level to which orientalist ideas were undoubtedly imposed upon Central Asia. Various approaches were used, but in the case of Soviet dominance, the primary strategy involved modifying artistic production for it to serve the goals of the Communist party. The author's comments on "rethinking" and "revolutionising" Central Asian art at the start of the 20th century serve to further highlight the dismissive tone towards the local creativity. This is particularly evident when the author states that the traditional pattern has been "liberated from the influences of oppression and foreign Islamic ideology" by replacing ancient religious inscriptions with revolutionary slogans. ³² The socialist realist interventions in local crafts point out the orientalist beliefs that the creative expression of the East is inferior and associated with oppressive Islamic regimes. This narrative positions White people as the "saviours" who will save the East from this “injustice”, while subjecting them to their own oppressive ideology. I'll provide specific illustrations of this idea using images from the book, such as traditional Turkmen and Tadjik carpets that have Soviet symbols carelessly woven into them without respect for the weaving process.

Figure 1. Tajik embroidery. Ura-Tube. 1936. Weimarn, B. W. The Art of Central Asia (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1940)

Figure 2. Carpet with a portrait of V. I. Lenin. Work of Ashgabat carpet weavers (Turkmen SSR). Ibid

Another crucial aspect to address is the shift that occurred in Central Asia from traditional craft techniques, characterised by abstraction,³³ to realistic figurative painting. This transition was undoubtedly imposed on the region by the Soviets, who had been employing such painting styles both before and after the revolution. Weimarn characterises this shift as “progress”, by asserting that artists evolve by refining their skills in creating realistic images of their country, encompassing its people, architecture, and its natural setting.³⁴ It would be expected of me to argue against the realism in these works of art, claiming that by hiding the painful realities that underlie tyranny, they glorify it. Although I maintain this viewpoint, it is indisputable that these works accurately reflected the realities of the time period and effectively portrayed the displacement of Islam and Islamic principles by the Soviet ideology. Furthermore, they vividly illustrated the extent to which this ideology became ingrained in the daily lives of Central Asians. An ideal example to substantiate my claim is the painting The Eighth of March at Registan produced in 1933 by Pavel Benkov, a Soviet Uzbek artist of Russian descent.

Figure 3. P. P. Benkov (Uzbek SSR). The Eighth of March at Registan.
Oil. (Monochrome print from the book). Ibid

March 8th is recognised globally as International Women's Day.
It was first established in 1910 in Copenhagen by female socialists to commemorate the solidarity and collaboration of women in protection of their rights.³⁵The Soviets embraced this event with great seriousness due to their pragmatic view of feminism, which saw working women as a valuable source of labour, particularly from conquered regions like Central Asia. During Stalin's rule in the years 1931 to 1936, there was a notable decline in birth rate.³⁶This prompted the authorities to transform Women's Day into a celebration of spring, romance, and beauty. The intention was to rekindle "feminine" emotions in women and remind them of their biological duties.³⁷ These celebrations involved organising parades and public gatherings in the main squares of every Soviet town or city, and the painting accurately portrays this particular scene. Yet, it is not the celebration itself that troubles me when observing this image.

What concerns me more is the recurring lack of respect towards Islamic structures at Registan, a central square in Samarkand, Uzbekistan. Specifically, the three central buildings of the square are medreses – namely, the Shir-Dor, Tilya-Kori, and Ulughbek medreses. It should be noted that Weimarn discusses these medreses in the first few chapters of his book, where he criticises their ornamentation and structure (I covered this in previous paragraphs). This critique is further represented in the artwork by the clash of significant Islamic features with parts of Soviet ideology, which have a striking resemblance to the carpets featuring Lenin's image that were previously shown. The only distinction lies in the dynamic portrayal of people holding Soviet-style festive posters and the highly unsuitable decoration of the medreses with flag garlands, presumably red in colour, although the image I provided is monochrome. The authorities attempted to conceal the significance of Islam in the region and replace it with Sovietness through the application of such symbolic language. In this instance, however, the Soviet ‘religion’ was actually more oppressive than any other; in addition to denying people the freedom to openly express their religious views, many aspects of local culture were severely warped in order to promote the new, foreign ideology.

Addressing culture, I want to temporarily shift focus away from Weimarn's book and instead delve into a painting called Turksib,
made by Abylkhan Kasteyev in 1969. Kasteyev is the leading Kazakh artist who operated within the context of Socialist realism. In the postcolonial discourse, there is an ongoing debate about his biography. For example, in a recent podcast with Dope Soz, a contemporary Kazakh artist Aida Adilbek discusses why she believes Kasteyev may have been a "project" of the Soviet Union, pointing out that his biography fits the ideology perfectly: in the 1930s, he worked as a construction worker on the Turksib railway and was noticed drawing a portrait of Lenin. After that, he was sent to study in Russia, where he eventually rose to fame.³⁸ Stating that, there is a general contrast evident across most of his works: paintings featuring scenes from collective fieldwork are considerably more colourful and lively than those that are solely centred around "archaic" Kazakh culture.

Figure 4. Abylkhan Kasteyev. Turksib. Oil on canvas, 1969. <https://rusmuseumvrm.ru/data/collections/museums/gos_muzey_iskusstv_respubliki_kazahstan_im._a._kasteeva/kasteev_a._turksib._1969._zh-2791_gmirk/index.php> [accessed 5 February 2024]

Olga Baturina, a Kazakh art historian and professor, explains in her audio description of the painting that Kasteyev, having been involved in the railway construction, aimed to express his enthusiasm for the advancements and industrialisation that were occurring.³⁹
The artist's approach is characterised by a vibrant celebration of the contrast between local culture and the intervention of technology.
A soulless train embellished with red Soviet flags speeds through
the hills, while a caravan of camels, signifying archaism, moves away in the opposite direction. The locals, eager to "commemorate" the change, observe the sight. However, is the change truly necessary, considering that the overall landscape appears to be harmonious without this train? This train, which is meant to introduce novelty,
is instead speeding directly at the locals, so it will likely run them
over and disrupt their peace.

Additionally, the picture completely lacks any religious (Islamic) elements, despite the fact that Islam was a significant aspect of Kazakh lifestyle at that time. Presumably, given that the artwork was created around three decades after the Turksib construction, it is likely that the Islamic discourse had ceased to exist by then. This suggests that it was indeed overtaken by the Soviet ideology, at least in an official capacity at the state level. However, it is evident that the spread of religious values occurred by oral tradition, passed down from older to younger generations, until the period when religious practices were permitted again with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

Based on the studied examples, it can be stated that the influence
of Socialist realism on Central Asian practitioners has successfully achieved its intended goal, as all artistic production serves as a reflection of reality during the discussed time period. The depicted reality in the relevant works of art accurately portrays the violent intrusion of Soviet symbolism into traditional techniques that have a rich history of development. This also reflects the drastic change witnessed by the actual people, where their values, including cultural and religious ones, were replaced by an entirely foreign ideology. Regarding religious symbolism in Central Asian art, the shift from employing abstract decorative patterns to figurative realistic images unmistakably indicates the decline of Islam that was encouraged by the Soviets. Since Islamic art has always been characterised by abstraction and its freedom of decorative movement,⁴⁰ the freedom of belief, as it has always existed in the region, fades into the new cult of Sovietness when this abstraction is lost and replaced with realism.

²⁴ Galina Yelshevskaya, ‘Socrealism’, Arzamas <https://arzamas.academy/materials/1204> [accessed 24 January 2024]

²⁵ ‘Socialist realism | Tate’, Tate <https://www.tate.org.uk/art/art-terms/s/socialist-realism> [accessed 29 November 2023]

²⁶‘Socialist Realism | Artsy’, Artsy <https://www.artsy.net/gene/socialist-realism> [accessed 29 November 2023]

²⁷ B. W. Weimarn, The Art of Central Asia (Moscow: Leningrad: State publishing house "Iskusstvo", 1940), p. 146

²⁸ Ibid, p. 109
²⁹ Ibid, p. 112
³⁰ Ibid, p. 122
³¹ Ibid, p. 145
³² Ibid, p. 164

³³ Oksana Shatalova and Georgii Mamedov, ‘Art to the masses: artistic practices of the cultural revolution of the 1920-1930s in Central Asia’, Headquarters Almanac, no. 1 (2014), 32–92 (p. 43)

³⁴ Weimarn, p. 150

³⁵ Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild, ‘From West to East: International Women's Day, the First Decade’, Aspasia, 6.1 (January 2012), 1–24 (p.1) <https://doi.org/10.3167/asp.2012.060102>

³⁶ B. T. Urlanis, ‘Trends in fertility level in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics during the years of Soviet rule’, Population bulletin, 13 (1980), pp. 53-59

³⁷ How the holiday of March 8th appeared in the USSR, and what many women remember with sadness’, Kulturologia <https://kulturologia.ru/blogs/080323/55668/> [accessed 30 January 2024]

³⁸ DOPE SOZ, Aida Adilbek: Kazakhstan’s history of contemporary art, art in pop culture (Dope soz 68, online video recording, YouTube, 31 July 2023, 43:55 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8pN4bkBlGZc> [accessed 2 February 2024]

³⁹ Turksib, 1969 by Abylkhan Kasteevich Kasteev: History, Analysis & Facts’, Arthive<https://arthive.com/artists/21143~Abylkhan_Kasteevich_Kasteev/works/574379~Turksib> [accessed 8 February 2024].

⁴⁰ ‘Figural Representation in Islamic Art | Essay | The Metropolitan Museum of Art | Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History’, The Met’s Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, October 2001 <https://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/figs/hd_figs.htm>
[accessed 6 February 2024]

CHAPTER 3

CONTEMPORARY ART OF CENTRAL ASIA.
THE REVIVAL

Although Islam was in hibernation until the formation of independent Central Asian states in the 1990s, the battle for openly practising Islam and receiving Islamic education persisted until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although still quite unsteady, its activity was beginning to pick up pace in the mid-1980s with Mikhail Gorbachev's Perestroika restructuring policies. While the progressive social measures of Perestroika did not explicitly address the revival of religion, Central Asians perceived it as a subtle loosening of the ban and a chance to rejuvenate their religious practices.⁴¹ Despite the emergence of public speakers and a greater distribution of Islamic knowledge among groups, it is clear that Islam never held an official or "safe" status in the government during Soviet administration. Furthermore, Islam never held any kind of legal status even after the independent Central Asian governments were established in 1991. As I pointed out in the first chapter, the presidents of Central Asian countries have stated that Islam should be kept out of political structures in order to prevent the emergence of extremist organisations and, as a result, to increase opportunities for forming relationships on the global market.⁴² Despite this statement, Islam, along with all other religions, was permitted for practice in the region due to the fact that the newly established countries identified themselves as secular states.

The restoration of freedom of belief after an approximately seventy-year hiatus provided society with fresh paths to investigate, particularly concerning questions related to ethnic identity. As was previously said, art reflects the ways in which political events and their related developments affect society; this is also true for Central Asia. Freedom of artistic expression accompanied liberty of religion, since art stopped to be a "slave" to ideology. According to Diana Kudaibergenova, a Kazakh research associate, in addition to representing the pursuit of a singular, real identity, this freedom of expression in the region's creative realm is symbolic of opposition and its efforts to manipulate public views. Having said that, contemporary artists in the region reclaim pluralism and reopen the dialogue regarding the past of the religion.⁴³ The term "pluralism" is crucial in this context because it embodies the fundamental concept of all art produced in independent Central Asia, which is the coexistence of multiple art forms and styles that promote a free and open exchange of ideas without the interference of a dominant art movement that would set the preferences of the general public.⁴⁴ The manifestation of pluralism in the area is paralleled by syncretism, which essentially refers to the coexistence of various religions. This finding strengthens my previous statement that art serves as a reflection of the times in which it is created. Given this situation, artists are further inspired to articulate their individual and collective concerns and sentiments.
This aligns with pluralistic views as it carries a politically responsible undertone, making it fitting for this context. The introduction of the terms will help clarify the wide range of approaches used by the artists I have selected for discussion. I have chosen works that explore the intersection of traditional Islamic and local cultural traditions with Soviet influence, leading to the current situation during the period of newfound independence.

To transition smoothly from the works reviewed in the last chapter,
I will continue this discussion with a more figurative piece selected from the various approaches seen in contemporary Central Asian art. The emerging artists have been committed to the new perspectives on art as a political movement that embraces self-expression and identity exploration in all of its forms, even if they employ the conventional paint-on-canvas approach. In this scenario, the technique is not the primary focus; instead, the emphasis is on the underlying concepts.

The artwork of Kyzyl Traktor, one of the most well-known contemporary art groups in the area, perfectly captures what I've just described. Being one of the first avant-garde collectives, Kyzyl Traktor (Red Tractor in Kazakh), was founded in Shymkent, Southern Kazakhstan, in the 1990s by Vitaliy Simakov. During its first 10 years, the group produced an array of exceptional and enigmatic artworks encompassing painting, sculpture, photography, and performance art. Kyzyl Traktor implemented a range of approaches while staying committed to their goal of seeking authenticity, which they achieved by embodying Tengrist shamanic characters.⁴⁵ Considering the period in which this collective began operating, the artists received their training in Soviet art institutions, which, as the preceding chapter has shown, were cultivating artists for the ideology. Despite their educational background, the artists assimilated the technical knowledge and applied it to expand and create new ideas and, in turn, new methods. An excellent and relevant example is the painting They passed by Moldakul Narymbetov, one of the co-creators of Kyzyl Traktor.

Figure 5. Moldakul Narymbetov, They passed. Acrylic on canvas, 106x106, 1999
<https://qazart.com/catalog2/tproduct/374158502-385042881091-they-passed-moldakul-narymbetov> [accessed 10 February 2024]

The landscape shown in "They passed" is free of Soviet artefacts, as well as any cultural objects, and lacks the vibrancy of life and nature. The dissolution of the Soviet Union, which eradicated the existing material world and led to its devaluation, triggered the state of chaos that emerged in the resulting emptiness. The local inhabitants have always depended on the spiritual realm, which, following the devastation, now possesses minimal material existence and primarily serves as a reminder rather than an active component.
The clouds, which are a potential home for the spirit, have become less bright and clear, as if a hole has been forcefully carved out of them. The sandstone structure, which was presumably once a significant place of worship (recall the works in Chapter 2), now has a broken window hole. The only living thing left is a human figure wearing a headscarf, yet even then, it is missing a face, an identity, and a soul. However, now that "they passed," it is up to people to figure out how to close the void and build a brand-new, dynamic world that will also honour and preserve the cultural and religious past in all of its glorious manifestations.

The concept of the void is found in many other works and is being explored by Kyzyl Traktor as a collective, particularly through their performances. While studying their performances, I discovered that it is impossible to separate one act from the other. It is like a single cohesive piece that represents the ongoing search for self to fill 'the void', whether physically or spiritually, with no definitive answer.
During their performances, the artists impersonate shamans engaging in bizarre acts of devotion that combine shamanic practices, Muslim rites, and elements of foreign influence, such as those from the Soviet era. Performance art arose as a novel art form in the region during the peak of the collective's activity, and they embodied this peculiarity by portraying difficult experiences of the national identity – the 'void' is being filled with fragments of Islam, Tengrism, and Soviet ideology in the most obscure ways. An excellent illustration of such would be an act by Said Atabekov, who has played a crucial role in influencing Kyzyl Tractor's activity and the advancement of contemporary art in Central Asia as a whole.

In one of her pieces, Kudaibergenova recalls an interview from 2013 with Valeriya Ibrayeva, the curator of the Soros Contemporary Centre of Art, which was located in Almaty, Kazakhstan, until 2008. In the interview, Ibrayeva shared her genuine concerns regarding the future of the art centre following her encounter with Atabekov's work: “Said [Atabekov] once burnt a hole in a Quran, put a stone inside, and painted it green. Then he brought it to the exhibition. I thought we’d get closed down immediately.” ⁴⁶ This performance, in fact, happened as a part of the “Pir Dukha” (“The Feast of Spirit” from Russian) exhibition that happened in the centre in 1998 where he, along with burning the Quran, made a prayer rug out of stones and began praying on it in the exhibition hall while wearing shaman clothing.

Figure 6. Said Atabekov. Performance. “Genghis Khan's dream or a Prayer rug”.
From the booklet for the exhibition of the Kyzyl Tractor group, 2000 <https://ariadna.media/2021/06/30/scca-almaty-in-pictures/>
[accessed 14 February 2024]

Though at first glance this performance may seem blatantly offensive, its true purpose is to show art historians—who had previously believed that Islam was underdeveloped in the region—that Islam is, in fact, a significant part of Central Asian identity that is inseparable from nomadic traditions, since religion finds expression and grows within a particular culture. Atabekov's Quran should be viewed as an art piece rather than a religious artefact. As evidence that he respects religion—after all, Atabekov describes himself as religious—he responds to the outraged public by stating that he “just doesn't like it when former Communist Party secretaries want to become thirteenth prophets.”⁴⁷ When analysed symbolically, his Quran represents the essence of nomadic Islam. In this instance, the green stone takes greater significance since stones were used by nomads to construct totems (such as the Kazakh Balbal stone figures),⁴⁸ and in Atabekov's instance, the shape of the stone embraces the green colour, which in Islam represents heavenly beauty and gifts.⁴⁹

The never-changing Quran appears to have been "voided" by someone, removing a significant portion of it that is now absent. However, through collective efforts, we replace what has been removed with what has always existed—though never physically—and the removed portion is "put back" into the Quran with a new interpretation that has been shaped by history. This is comparable to how he constructed the prayer rug also out of stones. However, in this instance, the stones take the form of another essential Islamic attribute, which he uses in his role as a nomadic shaman. By incorporating such components and the performance art medium, which dissolves the barriers between life and art, this piece is now one of the most recognised works of contemporary art in the entire post-Soviet region and became a symbol of the reinvented syncretism and pluralism in Central Asia. ⁵⁰

Another highly influential artist in the region, Saule Suleimenova, addresses the idea of what is inherent to the area has never been taken away, but has only been hidden in various ways. Suleimenova exhibited her strong political involvement as a student by actively taking part in the Jeltoksan (December) protests in Almaty in 1986, which were aimed at opposing the selection of an ethnic Russian as the leader of the Kazakh SSR and were driven by anti-communist sentiments. She expressed her dissent through her eccentric appearance and her fascination with artistic methods that were unconventional during the Soviet rule.

Suleimenova and other like-minded enthusiasts established an art group Green Triangle (Zeleny Treugolnik) to foster a sense of community and provide a platform for protest through experimentation. The artist recalls that the collective always had a slogan consisting of three simple words: “Freedom, Art, Sun!” ⁵¹Given the collective's operating period, which ran from 1987 to 1993, socialist realism remained dominant; nevertheless, political change was urgently needed, and the outdated concepts of socialist realism were unlikely to be able to support it. Green Triangle is a crucial movement that brought together young people in pursuit of alternative ideologies and artistic approaches.⁵²Suleimenova's art in particular focuses on purging Soviet and modern colonial conventions to enable a liberated and thriving expression of Kazakh identity.

This expression is not static in the past but dynamic in the present, connecting with ancestors and representing a harmonious non-modern way of life.⁵³ Suleimenova does this by using an inventive method that involves turning colourful plastic bag fragments into figurative landscapes and locals' portraits. Although she employs other techniques as well, the use of plastic bags has come to represent her style over the years. Her collection of plastic bag artworks highlights a variety of facets of contemporary Kazakh society, such as warm family environments or more complex subjects like the 2022 Almaty Qantar (January) protests, which were organised in support of the nation's oil mine workers but turned violent and resulted in an attack by the government on the peaceful demonstrators. The adoption of this technique may have its roots in the fact that plastic bags are non-biodegradable and will always be around, whether we like it or not. This is similar to how cultural and religious elements have always been and always will be a part of the community's identity.

Figure 7. Saule Suleimenova, Qandastar turaly Dastan #2
Plastic bags on recycled polyethylene, 150x150, 2021
<https://qazart.com/saule-suleimenova/tproduct/400607540-436345966561-qandastar-turaly-dastan-2-saule-suleimen>
[accessed 15 February 2024]

Family customs and values have always been the most important things to the locals, before, during, and after the Soviet era. This artwork depicts a family situation that is familiar to not just Kazakhs but also people from any other Central Asian country. The region is renowned for its strong family values, which are deeply ingrained in the culture and difficult to avoid, particularly for young individuals. However, many traditions may be harmful and discriminatory, specifically towards women, for example, stealing and enslaving brides, which do not align with the current reality faced by the youth. ⁵⁴ While such customs remain, all other traditional aspects are embraced by the young people, bringing pride to both the younger and older generations. Elderly family members play a crucial role as the carriers of the cultural identity shaped by nomadic traditions, Islam, and Soviet influence. They serve as key figures within the family unit, connecting different generations, from their ancestors to children and grandchildren.

The setting that Suleimenova creates in her artwork makes it possible for these customs to resurrect in the purest way possible: the entire family sits on warm woollen carpets beneath a shanyraq (a wooden yurt frame with a curved grid that symbolises the sky and unity), waiting for the eldest family members to bestow bata, or blessings, which are actually a manifestation of nomadic beliefs of luck mixed with Islam (the name "bata'' is a passing reference to the first surah of the Quran called al-Fatihah).⁵⁵ The work's title, "Qandastar turaly Dastan," can be translated as "the saga about relatives," where the word "dastan," meaning "saga", refers to the local folklore tradition.⁵⁶Consequently, in relation to this work, it might signify that this oral tradition is still being passed down to the younger generation and is more relevant than ever in this revival of the past.

The use of such vibrant colours turns this family environment into an experience that becomes a vivid and significant memory. Additionally, since these colours derive from plastic bags, this experience is “non-degradable”, therefore ever-present and will continue to be valuable both now and in the future. These family traditions will never "degrade", as locals firmly hold onto their nomadic roots and Muslim rites. Regarding the previous point, as indicated by Tariq Ramadan earlier in Chapter 1, religion, although different from culture, typically evolves and spreads within specific cultural contexts. And as Suleimenova demonstrates, many Islamic practices do exist in these kinds of cultural scenarios, much as bata is handled by the elderly in households.

The analysis of the selected works reveals significant discoveries regarding the influence of the Soviet era on the growth of Islam in Central Asia and its representation in art. The key finding is that contemporary art achieved independence simultaneously with the revival of religious freedom, along with the establishment of sovereign and secular Central Asian nations. The aftermath of the collapse has not erased the legacy of the Soviet era, which for almost seven decades suppressed Islamic and ethnic expression in the area.
The local community today still faces the challenge of filling in this enormous cultural gap. However, since there is no longer artistic oppression, the artists and their artworks discussed in this chapter creatively represent this collective search for identity, which is now an amalgam of Islamic, Soviet, and nomadic elements.

The artists, educated in Socialist realist schools, kept their technical skills and traditional techniques as a foundation for developing their unique styles by experimenting with new imaginative approaches. The introduction of novel approaches, such as performance art or the use of non-artistic items, created space for conversations on Islam, which has always been present but regained even greater significance during times of freedom. Certainly, it is now impossible to separate the evolution of Islam and the nomadic traditions that were explored during the period of pluralism and syncretism, as Islam's growth under these conditions resulted in an entirely new interpretation of the religion with some modifications that only increased its value for Central Asians.

⁴¹ Ahmed Rashid, ‘Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central Asia’, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002, 193 (p. 42).

⁴² Enayatollah Yazdani, ‘Globalization and the Role of Islam in the post-Soviet Central Asia’, Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations, 8.2 (2009), 53–69 (p. 59)

⁴³ Diana T. Kudaibergenova, ‘Religion, Power, and Contemporary Art in Central Asia: Visualizing and Performing Islam’, Central Asian Affairs, 6.2-3 (May 2019), 224–52 (p. XXXX) <https://doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00602008>

⁴⁴ ‘Pluralism in Art and in Art Criticism’, Art Journal, 40.1/2 (1980), 377 (p. 379) <https://doi.org/10.2307/776604>

⁴⁵ Leeza Ahmady, ‘Kyzyl Tractor’, QAZART <https://qazart.com/kyzyl-tractor> [accessed 10 February 2024]

⁴⁶ Kudaibergenova, pp. 224–52 (pp. 231-232)

⁴⁷ Valeriya Ibrayeva, ‘Fathers and Children of Kazakh contemporary art’, Media about art of Central Asia | Ariadna, 2001 <https://ariadna.media/scca/ru/kazart.htm> [accessed 14 February 2024]

⁴⁸ ‘Balbal: stones imbued with meaning’, Qazaqstan Tarihy, 18 October 2018 <https://e-history.kz/en/news/show/7651> [accessed 14 February 2024]

⁴⁹ Khamurkoparan Jahit, ‘Semantics of colour in Turkic toponymy’, Prepodavatel' ХХI vek, 2013, p. 341 <https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/semantika-tsveta-v-tyurkskoy-toponimike>

⁵⁰ Kudaibergenova, pp. 224–52 (p. 232)

⁵¹ Roza Verko, ‘Saule Suleimenova: The path in search of true Kazakhness’, Central Asia Analytical Network, 14 November 2018 <https://www.caa-network.org/archives/14552> [accessed 15 February 2024]

⁵² Ibid.

⁵³ Madina Tlostanova, Decoloniality of Being, Knowledge and Sensation: (Almaty: Tselinny Centre of Contemporary Culture, 2020), p. 130

⁵⁴ Abdirashid Mamasidikovich Mirzakhmedov, Khurshid Abdirashidovich Mirzakhmedov and Nasiba Alizhanovna Abdukholikova, ‘Family life in Central Asia: Problems of Fathers and Children’, Chronos: social sciences, 6.2(22) (June 2021), 20–29 (p. 25) <https://doi.org/10.52013/2712-9705-22-2-5>

⁵⁵ Arna S. Sarsambekova and others, ‘“Bata Beru” in Kazakh Culture – Traditions and Innovations’, Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology, 20.3 (2021), 131–41 (p. 133) <https://doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-3-131-141>

⁵⁶ H. B. Paksoy, Alpamysh: Central Asian identity under Russian rule (Hartford, Conn: Association for the Advancement of Central Asian Research, 1989), p.10

CHAPTER 4

CONTEMPORARY PHOTOGRAPHY
IN CENTRAL ASIA

Prior to entering an analysis of the contemporary photography works created in the region, it is necessary to provide a brief description of the emergence of photography as a method brought through Soviet interference. I could have included photography in my discussion of Socialist realist art in Chapter 2, as it is indeed a part of this movement and shares the same goals of depicting the "progress" and idealised images of Soviet life. However, photography has a slightly different historical development in the region, as it predates the official establishment of Socialist realism in 1934. In the Soviet Union, photography served as a means of collecting and presenting information in a realistic and unmodified manner. It was expected to be authentic and free of any artistic experimentation.

This constraint persisted before and during the emergence of Socialist realism. It affirms the documentary quality of the photography in this instance, and as we have seen from previous chapters, it is not all that distinct from Soviet fine art, where artistic experimentation was also discouraged in the interest of providing a "true" portrayal of the historical period. In addition, during the 1920s, there was a lack of readily accessible printing supplies and techniques, which led to certain Soviet newspapers having to substitute photographs with hand-drawn portraits. This was the case with the 1925 issue of the Pravda newspaper, specifically in their depiction of Central Asian delegates at the third all-Soviet party congress. Not only were the photographs replaced with drawings, but the delegates were also not identified by name in the caption, which simply referred to them as "delegates of the congress". ⁵⁷ In fact, these photojournalist projects are meant to be impartial and to demonstrate how colonised areas are not just "backward tribes," but rather "developing nations," so they should be free of any orientalist biases. Nevertheless, it is impossible to hide such bias, particularly when it comes to the disrespectful treatment of Central Asians, such as when drawings are used in place of photos, with no mention of the names, because the creators believed that their choices will go unnoticed.

Figure 8. Congressional delegate. A photograph from Pravda newspaper, 1925.
In Holzberger, H, National in Front of the Camera, Soviet Behind It: Central Asia in Press Photography, 1925–1937 (p.490)
<https://doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-4-487>

Indeed, the imperialist ideology is not the only reason for this bias; newspapers are mass-produced goods meant for wide distribution, and exoticism of this kind sold quite well because of its "decorative" qualities.⁵⁸ That being said, since all of the photographers working in the region were mostly Russians sent to work there, it was not only impossible for photography of Central Asia to be free of hierarchical gaze, but it was also failing to empower its native populace by refusing to offer them employment opportunities. Additionally, a significant number of photographs captured for newspapers were discarded and remained unpublished, with only a limited selection proceeding to the printing phase.⁵⁹This also demonstrates the extent to which the information, particularly visual data, was selectively filtered to construct a specific perception of the region and reshape understanding of it to align with ideological objectives. Regrettably, the progress of photography in Central Asia remained rather limited, with the establishment of only family photo studios that never reached the same level of prominence as photojournalism, despite being widely used. With this, the archives from both sectors of photography suffered significant damage, making it challenging to accurately categorise them with proper names and dates.⁶⁰ Fortunately, numerous collectives are currently working to archive and restore this material for preservation purposes.

As a matter of fact, a large number of practitioners in Central Asia who concentrate on recovering historical archives find a place for their endeavours within the context of contemporary art. This is due to the fact that, as we covered in the previous chapter, the goal of regional contemporary art is to facilitate collective reflection on the past and to experiment with artistic techniques in order to shape the understanding of the local identity. To achieve this, many art centres make significant investments in the restoration of historical materials, such as by developing digital archives of both found artworks and photographs. One of these is the Tselinny Centre of Contemporary Culture, which is situated in Almaty, Kazakhstan. They recently announced the launch of a new platform called Documentation, which serves as a digital archive of local art and aims to connect people, events, and chronology in order to fill in the gaps in art history.⁶¹ I had a fortunate opportunity to attend their three-day event in August 2023, which served as a presentation of the project. The programme had lectures delivered by archivists not only from Central Asia, but also from countries such Hong Kong, Russia, and Turkey.

An exceptionally memorable lecture for me, closely connected to the subject in this chapter, was delivered by Oleg Karpov, a photographer, filmmaker, and archivist from Tashkent, Uzbekistan. During his presentation, he showed his digitally restored film photos, which he would occasionally find at flea markets for minimal cost, but which are incredibly informative. Among the photographs, there were some that depicted staged family scenes, some that were humorous, and some that provided accurate portrayals of Soviet realities, which relates to this discussion.

Figure 9. Oleg Karpov’s talk at Tselinny Centre of Contemporary Culture.
Picture taken by me, August 2023

The exact dates of the photo projected here are unidentified but festive elements, such as the "Slava KPSS" sign (Glory to the CPSU), a portrait supposedly of a prominent party member, a realistic human statue of a similarly significant figure, red flags, and—above all—people dressed traditionally who appear to be "celebrating" the party, it all points to the presence of socialist realism in full force here, accomplishing its goal of manipulating cultural settings and mixing them with Soviet imagery to celebrate ideological advancement. Since all currently working practitioners evaluate such historical information in terms of its relatability to the current status quo, I guess the fact that such an image appears in the space designated for contemporary art highlights the relevance of knowledge of the past for them.

The use of archives, particularly photography and moving images, occurs not only in educational activities, but also has a significant role in art exhibitions. For example, the recent Paxta exhibition at Almaty's Aspan Gallery was a collective reflection on how the Soviet Union exploited the Uzbeks for mass cotton collection.⁶² It included a compilation of archival footage created by Karpov and contemporary photographs taken by his partner, Umida Akhmedova, one of the most well-known female photographers in the region. Despite being created during the past ten years, her works in this exhibition evoke a strong sense of socialist realism as they capture the Soviet symbols scattered throughout the city, blended with the sacred values that cotton holds for the Uzbek people. Nevertheless, Akhmedova's other works outside of Paxta exhibit more captivating and vibrant images that are intricately linked to the evolution of Islamic heritage in the area, as they delve into the everyday lifestyle of rural Uzbek communities.

The pieces I would like to discuss are from a 2007 album in which Akhmedova investigated the daily lives of people in an Uzbek village. Despite being in times of globalisation, the village nonetheless maintains a deeply traditional way of life. This encompasses the habit of wearing traditional Uzbek clothing by people of all age groups, as well as depictions of ceremonies associated with marriage, communal prayer, or mundane everyday scenarios like preparing flatbreads or observing the village streets. I was particularly drawn to this collection of works due to their complicated and, I dare say, violent narrative surrounding their creation and distribution. Akhmedova, following the publication of her works, faced legal action and received a sentence of between six months of imprisonment or two to three years in a labour camp. This was due to the fact that her works “portrayed Uzbekistan as a mediaeval state.” ⁶³

One very essential point to note is that many post-Soviet republics, particularly those in Central Asia, remain stuck in a dictatorship mentality despite their pursuit of democracy, which is undoubtedly a lasting legacy of the Soviet era.⁶⁴Thus, in the case of Uzbekistan, which was under the authoritarian rule of Islam Karimov until his death in 2016, the presence of Soviet tendencies to hide or manipulate cultural contexts suggests that the Uzbek government was still concerned about the negative perception of its country as "backward," despite there being no valid reason for such fear. Currently, their fear is mainly of making such an appearance in front of potential foreign business partners.⁶⁵ However, in this instance, on the contrary, they should demonstrate the transparency of local culture and belief systems, since advancing authoritarianism will only further isolate the nation from international collaboration. Regarding Akhmedova's photo collection, it is worth noting that she has gained significant global recognition. Her work has been extensively featured in various cultural media platforms, and she frequently takes part in international exhibitions. It is likely that the world community values it when representatives from certain countries express and value their ethnic reality in all its variety, regardless of how "poor" or "pompous" they may appear.

Given that Akhmedova created the photo album while Karimov was in power, it is crucial to note that his policies on religious development and expression were quite restrictive, reflecting his lingering Soviet mindset and tendency towards censorship.⁶⁶ In fact, Karimov made every effort to stifle Islamic expressions and control it. However, despite his efforts, radical Islamists likely took advantage of him by forcing him to attend their lectures on "proper" Islamic governance in a hostile setting.⁶⁷ This undoubtedly had an adverse effect on his relationship with Islam, and in his efforts to manage these extremist groups, he also enforced even stricter control on peaceful Muslim citizens. Islam, being deeply ingrained in the local traditional lifestyle for a lengthy period of time, became intertwined with Uzbek culture due to its Sufi nature. However, this manifestation of Islam was disregarded as it further reinforced the “poor” image of the country, as evidenced by the prosecution of Akhmedova for distributing her works.

Figure 10. Umida Akhmedova, Prayer for the Day of Memory and Honour.
2004, published in 2007
<https://globalvoices.org/2022/11/05/a-visual-journey-through-uzbek-society-ten-iconic-moments-by-photographer-umida-akhmedova/>

Figure 11. Umida Akhmedova, Three women.
Published in 2007 <https://globalvoices.org/2015/09/11/umida-ahmedova-%D0%BEn-the-burden-of-censorship-and-being-a-female-artist-in-uzbekistan/>

Figure 12. Umida Akhmedova, Children hiding from taxes.
Published in 2007 <https://globalvoices.org/2022/11/05/a-visual-journey-through-uzbek-society-ten-iconic-moments-by-photographer-umida-akhmedova/>

The village is shown in these photos as the origin of tradition, and it remains able to hold on to its traditional way of life in spite of external influences. It is evident that the elderly in this place are cultural keepers; women wear vibrant long head scarves paired with modest clothing in floral prints, while men wear traditional hats and turbans. These features are also evident in the photos shared by Karpov and the illustrations from Weimarn's book in Chapter 2. However, those earlier pictures are undoubtedly from the early 20th century, whereas Akhmedova's shots are more recent. The elderly in this community exemplify how Islam has become an integral part of their culture. They lift their hands in a communal prayer, known as dua, to honour and remember the troops of World War II. This gesture is an essential way of invoking Allah's acceptance of their prayer. It is also usual for older married women to cover their heads, but they wear colourful patterned head scarves that are specific to the region, which do not conceal their faces, unlike the black niqabs worn by Arab women. The younger generation is undoubtedly inheriting these values of cultural and religious preservation from their elders. We see boys playing by hiding in Uzbek tandoors while wearing taqiyahs, which are Muslim head coverings, all while seeming content in their authentic and therefore safe environment.

Although these images seem to celebrate the genuine way of life and the ways that Islam has been integrated with the local culture, it is terrible to realise that Central Asian authorities still see their own traditional way of life as underdeveloped, even after the end of the Soviet rule. Rather than honouring this lifestyle, they prefer to build structures that, despite their appearing as artificial in this cultural context, represent rapid technological advancement. Interestingly enough, what I observed in Akhmedova's pictures made me think of Suleimenova's works from the previous chapter; despite the fact that the two pieces are in different media, they both honour the elderly as the primary guardians of religion and culture. I mention Suleimenova here because she accurately described the habit of 'pretending' and concealing the genuine local identity with Astana, the capital city of Kazakhstan, as an example:

“A hastily built magical city, like a mirage in the desert, stands in the middle of the endless steppe. Built by nomads, with a golden Alucobond cladding flying in the wind, the city is an example of how ephemeral all the merits of a sedentary lifestyle are, especially with our climate. The city stands as a monument to our complexes in front of Russian and Western culture, as desperate proof that we can do this too. Is this how our fathers, fighters for Kazakh independence, saw the future of the country?” ⁶⁸
While Akhmedova's photography investigates and realistically documents the orientalist ideas that the Soviet Union imposed on the area and that the authorities still hold today, there are other practitioners who use photography to investigate these ideas as well, albeit with a more expansive creative experimentation. For instance, Yelena Vorobyeva and Viktor Vorobyev, the Almaty-based artist duo known as the Vorobyevs, use photography as a tool in their identity-searching process because they feel that photography and video are the perfect mediums for capturing the rapid political changes of reality and the emergence of the information age.⁶⁹The photographers' approach to their craft frequently incorporates the integration of other artistic mediums, such as collage and drawing.

Given that the artists are of ethnic Russian descent and were born
and raised in Central Asia (Yelena in Nebit Dag, Turkmenistan,
and Viktor in Pavlodar, Kazakhstan), their use of such approaches enhances and reflects their intricate exploration of their multifaceted identity as White people immersed in the "Oriental" culture.
It is a truth that Russians from Central Asia differ greatly from those who are from Russia in that they grew up in a very different lifestyle that is even now viewed as "retarded" by (actual) Russians. As a result, they would not fit in with Russian society.⁷⁰ This means that while maintaining their ties to their Orthodox Christian history, Central Asian Russians will inevitably participate in many Islamic practices, which the government also supports. In 2023, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, the current president of Kazakhstan, recognised and celebrated the similarities between the values of Easter and Eid al-Fitr, which happened to fall around the same time that year. ⁷¹

Figure 13. The Vorobyevs, Self-portrait in Islamic Style.
Colorprint on paper, charcoal and colourprint on canvas, 50 x 77, 2003 - 2017
<https://qazart.com/catalog2/tproduct/374158502-513644933311-self-portrait-in-islamic-style-the-vorob>

I find this artwork by the duo to be particularly fascinating due to their satirical portrayal of Central Asians as 'barbaric' Muslims in Soviet media. They achieve this by employing exaggerated imagery, such as the vibrant and overwhelming use of traditional patterns in the clothing of the evil-looking man and his two wives, one of whom is simply a copied image of the other. Additionally, the women wear headscarves that cover their faces and they are sitting on traditional carpets, which were highly desirable exports from the region.

Everything about this image reminds me of the 1969 Soviet Russian film The White Sun of the Desert, which is a perfect representation of Soviet orientalism towards Central Asia. The film's main plot revolves around a Red Army soldier who travels to the area on a mission to "liberate" women from their "evil" Basmachi husband and establish an equitable Soviet community there.⁷²Additionally, the same exaggerated stereotypical imagery is employed in that film to spread control over the "weak" region by making the general public laugh at how "backward" its inhabitants are. With regard to the Vorobyevs' art, however, their humour lies not in mocking the manifestation of religion in the area but rather in mocking the unrealistic stereotype of religion that the Soviets imposed. Furthermore, the artists embody these characters because they can relate to them on multiple levels,
having experienced similar forms of oppression due to their
traditional upbringing.

The examples examined in this chapter demonstrate that photography in Central Asia serves as a means of preserving the development of history that has not been adequately documented through photography before. The current generation of photographers not only restructure existing archives, but also appreciate what remains after a period of instability or inactivity, particularly in relation to Islamic practices. This admiration is conveyed by capturing the essence of life in traditional settings, such as Akhmedova's Uzbek village, or by employing more experimental photographic techniques with a touch of irony, as seen in the Vorobyevs' work. Both approaches inspire a profound sense of acceptance. Such acceptance facilitates the understanding of the ethnic identity of Central Asians by allowing both the artists and their audience to embrace the cultural context as it is. This includes recognising how Islam organically coexists with other religions in this setting, without the necessity of adhering to an internationally desired image or outdated Soviet ideologies that only bring harm and have no relevance in the region's current development.

57 Helena Holzberger, ‘National in Front of the Camera, Soviet Behind It: Central Asia in Press Photography, 1925–1937’, Journal of Modern European History, 16.4 (November 2018), 487–508 (p. 491) <https://doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-4-487>

58 Ibid, p. 502
59 Ibid, p. 507

60 Snezhana Atanova, ‘Central Asian Open Photo Archive: visual history of the region in private collections’, Central Asia Analytical Network, 26 March 2021 <https://www.caa-network.org/archives/21610/czentralnoaziatskij-otkrytyj-fotoarhiv-vizualnaya-istoriya-regiona-v-chastnyh-kollekcziyah> [accessed 14 March 2024]

61 ‘About the project’, Documentation <https://documentation.tselinny.org/en/about/project> [accessed 13 March 2024]

62 ‘PAXTA: Group Show’, Aspan Gallery <https://aspangallery.com/en/exhibitions/PAXTA+> [accessed 12 March 2024]

63 Nevena Borisova, ‘Umida Ahmedova оn the Burden of Censorship and Being a Female Artist in Uzbekistan’, Global Voices, 11 September 2015

64 Artemy Grigoryan, ‘The CIS Club of Post-Soviet dictators’, Ural Federal University, 2019, p. 576 <https://elar.urfu.ru/bitstream/10995/85516/1/978-5-7996-2751-5_195.pdf>.

65 Askar Aidarkhan, ‘Freedom House: post-Soviet "dictatorships" are under risk’, Radio Azattyq, 12 April 2016 <https://rus.azattyq.org/a/27669610.html> [accessed 13 March 2024]

66 Kamoliddin Rabbimov, ‘“Mirziyoyev views Islam as a means of inspiration, unity, and liberalization of society” - political scientist’, Kun.uz, 3 February 2021 <https://kun.uz/ru/news/2021/02/03/mirziyoyev-rassmatrivayet-islam-kak-sredstvo-vdoxnoveniya-splocheniya-liberalizatsii-obshchestva-politolog> [accessed 14 March 2024].

67 Svante E. Cornell and Jacob Zenn, ‘Religion and the Secular State in Uzbekistan’, Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, 2018, 5–43 (p. 27).

68 Tlostanova, p. 139

69 Mari Romanova, ‘Yelena and Viktor Vorobyevs: “Phantom reality” is a relationship with the ghosts of the past”’, Manshuq — Online publication for modern women, 16 November 2022 <https://manshuq.com/lifestyle-vorobyevs-phantom-pain-11-2022> [accessed 15 March 2024]

70 Assel Iskhanova, ‘Kazakh Russians are already half Kazakhs - experts on the differences between the Slavs of Kazakhstan and Russia’, Caravan - news, events, analytics in Kazakhstan and the world, 3 July 2018 <https://www.caravan.kz/articles/kazakhstanskie-russkie-ehto-uzhe-napolovinu-kazakhi-ehksperty-ob-otlichiyakh-slavyan-kazakhstana-i-rossii-459680/> [accessed 13 March 2024]

71 Anastasiya Stativkina, ‘Tokayev: Easter and Eid have become common holidays for millions of Kazakhstanis’, Zakon.kz, 27 April 2023.<https://www.zakon.kz/politika/6391776-tokaev-paskha-i-oraza-ayt-stali-obshchimi-prazdnikami-dlya-millionov-kazakhstantsev.html> [accessed 15 March 2024].

72 Alisa Alova, ‘The conference “The East inside Russia: reflections on (post) Orientalism” was held in St. Petersburg’, St. Petersburg Gazette, 6 December 2023 <https://spbvedomosti.ru/news/gorod/v-peterburge-proshla-konferentsiya-vostok-vnutri-rossii-razmyshleniya-o-post-orientalizme/> [accessed 15 March 2024]

CONCLUSION

In summary of all the studies conducted in this work, there are a few key findings that are important to highlight. Having examined the evolution of Islam in Central Asia, we have come to understand that its development in the region is highly distinctive and emphasises a personal connection with God. As a result, its importance has remained constant among people, even during periods of anti-religious measures imposed by the Soviet regime. Given the unavoidable presence of the Soviet era's influence on the growth of culture and religion, there is a correlation between the evolution of art, as a component of culture, and Islam as a religion. They both were subjected to oppression during the Soviet regime, which suppressed any form of personal opinion or expression. Additionally, in regions such as Central Asia, the cultural and religious heritage was distorted by the Soviet's orientalist ideas, deeming them as "inferior" or "unsuitable" and only serving the interests of the party in power.

We discussed how this occurred specifically under the auspices of socialist realism when discussing artistic production. This is another instance in which the evolution of art and Islamic expression in the region can be paralleled, as artistic production was also a manifestation of religious expressions, for instance, the Uzbek medreses presented in Weimarn's book. Due to the influence of Soviet ideology, these structures were controlled, resulting in the suppression of both art and religion. As a result, the complete and unrestricted expression of both art and religion was silenced until the Central Asian countries gained independence with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

The establishment of new autonomous secular nations, which lack any motivation to regulate artistic and religious manifestations, facilitated a reimagined way of expression for both art and religion, wherein they mutually enrich and reinforce each other. The exploration of religious significance, particularly Islamic concepts within the nomadic culture, emerges as a prominent theme in the artists' works, which primarily centre around collective introspection and the quest for identity. The artistic works of the syncretic Central Asian world express Islamic, or Sufi, beliefs naturally through a vibrant and diverse range of artistic approaches. These notions hold significant importance and value in this context.

While Kyzyl Traktor's unconventional performances aim to discover fresh interpretations of religion, Saule Suleimenova's plastic bag works, along with the broader field of photography in Central Asia, focus on preserving Islamic concepts and their manifestations within the local syncretic settings. In this instance, Suleimenova's approach involves creatively utilising a non-artistic material, exemplifying the desired characteristics of contemporary Central Asian art. Conversely, practitioners like Oleg Karpov and Umida Akhmedova focus on archiving and documenting local realities, particularly the manifestations of Islam in the region. Furthermore, because archive work of this sort exists in the region within the framework of contemporary art, other artists appreciate the necessity of drawing from historical and documented facts because it enables and motivates them to create larger-scale works in their search for identity.

Given the undeniable influence of the Soviet Union on Central Asian art and religious discussions, it continues to be a prominent subject in the artists' work. Their role is to examine the insights gained from this influence and motivate the public, as well as local governments, to eliminate the orientalist stereotype that hinders the unrestricted and optimistic development of both local artistic production and religious expression.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1. Tajik embroidery. Ura-Tube. 1936. Weimarn, B. W. The Art of Central Asia (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1940)

Figure 2. Carpet with a portrait of V. I. Lenin. Work of Ashgabat carpet weavers (Turkmen SSR). Weimarn, B. W. The Art of Central Asia (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1940)

Figure 3. P. P. Benkov (Uzbek SSR). The Eighth of March at Registan. Oil.
(Monochrome print from the book). Weimarn, B. W. The Art of Central Asia (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1940)

Figure 4. Abylkhan Kasteyev. Turksib. Oil on canvas, 1969. <https://rusmuseumvrm.ru/data/collections/museums/gos_muzey_iskusstv_respubliki_kazahstan_im._a._kasteeva/kasteev_a._turksib._1969._zh-2791_gmirk/index.php> [accessed 5 February 2024]

Figure 5. Moldakul Narymbetov, They passed. Acrylic on canvas, 106x106, 1999.
<https://qazart.com/catalog2/tproduct/374158502-385042881091-they-passed-moldakul-narymbetov> [accessed 10 February 2024]

Figure 6. Said Atabekov. Performance. “Genghis Khan's dream or a Prayer rug”.
From the booklet for the exhibition of the Kyzyl Tractor group, 2000. <https://ariadna.media/2021/06/30/scca-almaty-in-pictures/> [accessed 14 February 2024]

Figure 7. Saule Suleimenova, Qandastar turaly Dastan #2. Plastic bags on recycled polyethylene, 150x150, 2021.
<https://qazart.com/saule-suleimenova/tproduct/400607540-436345966561-qandastar-turaly-dastan-2-saule-suleimen> [accessed 15 February 2024]

Figure 8. Congressional delegate. A photograph from Pravda newspaper, 1925. In Holzberger, H, National in Front of the Camera, Soviet Behind It: Central Asia in Press Photography, 1925–1937 (p.490) <https://doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-4-487>.

Figure 9. Oleg Karpov’s talk at Tselinny Centre of Contemporary Culture.
Picture taken by the author, August 2023.

Figure 10. Umida Akhmedova, Prayer for the Day of Memory and Honour. 2004, published in 2007.<https://globalvoices.org/2022/11/05/a-visual-journey-through-uzbek-society-ten-iconic-moments-by-photographer-umida-akhmedova/>

Figure 11. Umida Akhmedova, Three women. Published in 2007. <https://globalvoices.org/2015/09/11/umida-ahmedova-%D0%BEn-the-burden-of-censorship-and-being-a-female-artist-in-uzbekistan/>

Figure 12. Umida Akhmedova, Children hiding from taxes. Published in 2007. <https://globalvoices.org/2022/11/05/a-visual-journey-through-uzbek-society-ten-iconic-moments-by-photographer-umida-akhmedova/>

Figure 13. The Vorobyevs, Self-portrait in Islamic Style. Colorprint on paper, charcoal and colourprint on canvas, 50 x 77, 2003 - 2017.
<https://qazart.com/catalog2/tproduct/374158502-513644933311-self-portrait-in-islamic-style-the-vorob>

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